Elie Wiesel Spends and Evening in Big Bridges

By Alex Linder

[ The following is from a forum thread posting. ]

[News article published in Pomona College’s The Student Life, Friday, February 26, 1988]

Elie Wiesel Spends and Evening in Big Bridges

By Alex Linder

Holocaust survivor and noted writer and speaker Elie Wiesel defined evil as indifference, especially indifference to suffering, during his brief stop at the Claremont Colleges earlier this week.

Besides various smaller engagements, Wiesel spoke for an hour during “An Evening with Elite Wiesel” at Big Bridges Auditorium on Wednesday, February 24.

The evening started with an introduction by John Roth, a philosophy professor at CMC. Roth briefly detailed Wiesel’s history as a prisoner in the concentration camps Buchenwald and Auschwitz and went on to laud the author for the “character and spirit” that govern his work. Wiesel is the author of some thirty books, recipient of over 40 honorary Ph.D.’s and the winner of the 1986 Nobel Peace Prize.

Before starting his actual lecture, Wiesel accepted questions from the crowd, saying that he would incorporate his answer into his speech. Questions dealt with varied subjects including the Arab-Israeli conflict, anti-Semitism, and the nature of evil.

After opening with a brief story about throwing out the first ball at the World Series, Wiesel moved on to more serious matters. Noting taht as a Nobel laureate he was “supposed to know everything,” Wiesel lamented the perception that “our planet has shrunk, but the problems facing it become more and more complex.”

Asking how one can hope, given the desperate nature of the world situation, Wiesel affirmed that madness is “the key word” in describing the 20th century. Nevertheless, he continues to try to find “a spark of hope in madness, and perhaps beyond madness.” In particular, Wiesel pointed to the Iran-Contra affair as a prime example of madness.

Moving along to the issue of anti-Semitism, Wiesel said that he naively thought that Auschwitz might turn out to mark the end of anti-Semitism, its deadliest practitioners having been destroyed. But “anti-Semitism is flourishing,” stated the author. Furthermore, it has sprung up in places like Japan, where it has “no right nor reason to be.” Anti-Semitism has historically been a European phenomenon and the Japanese ought to leave it there, he asserted.

At this point Wiesel turned to Israel and her problems with the Occupied Territories. Tracing the history of that state, he noted that six Arab armies invaded Israel on the day of its inception as a state. Still, he said, Israeli conduct of late has been a “source of anguish” for him. Then he read to the crowd a letter he had written to a young Palestinian back in 1975 — a letter he said he could rewrite now with even more pain and anguish.

In conclusion, Wiesel said that “mankind needs peace and some kind of compassion more than ever.” He said he has drawn a two-fold lesson as a result of his personal experiences; first, that there are no answers — only the immortal answer; and second, that just as despair can only come to us from others, so does hope. Peace, he said, is not God’s gift to his creatures; it’s a special gift we can give one another.//

Case Against Aid Fails

By Alex Linder

[ The following is from a forum thread posting. ]

[opinion published in Pomona College’s The Student Life, Friday, February 5, 1988]

Case Against Aid Fails

By Alex Linder

Let’s examine two dominant themes of the liberal case for ending contra support as evidenced in the debate leading up to Wednesday’s House vote.

The first bit of demagoguery is the liberal adjuration to “let the Nicaraguans decide their future for themselves.” This specious appeal to American respect for self-determination, (which, you’ll recall, was one of Wilson’s Fourteen Points), is pure misrepresentation of the question Congress is deciding in voting to aid the freedom fighters.

When confronted in this manner, the listener is meant to feel shame that his/her country is interfering in the internal affairs of another state wtihout warrant. That is, s/he’s supposed to conclude that if we’d pull out, the situation would improve. This formula ignores the fact that the Sandinistas, of their own volition, allied with the Soviet Union and have threatened to spread their political system.

Look at the facts. From 1983 to 1987 the U.S. gave the Contras roughly $200 million dollars. In 1986 alone, the Soviets gave the Sandinistas an estimated $850 million. Over the course of the revolution Soviet aid has amounted to nearly $3 billion. In other words, while we debate around the clock over the extension of niggardly sums ($36.25 million this year), the Soviets give willingly and freely. Yet, have you ever heard a liberal express concern about Soviet involvement in Nicaragua?

Besides ignoring Soviet entanglement in Nicaragua, there is a second, subtler, premise of the slogan “Nicaragua for the Nicaraguans,” (to paraphrase mildly). That is that the Sandinistas are a legitimate, democratic government. But how could Nicaraguans, assuming all Soviet and American aid were ended, decide their own future? The Sandinistas, as practically everyone now admits, are Marxists. The leaders of the country, the National Directorate, have said frequently that they’ll not hold “bourgeois” elections to raffle off power. When one considers the vast military force they head, these assertions must be taken seriously. Besides controlling a 70,000-man army along with an equally large reserve, the Sandinistas dominate all avenues for internal opposition in the media. They have also consolidated economic power in state-run agencies and unions, giving them vital leverage over workers with divergent opinions. In short, Nicaragua today is a totalitarian society on the order of East Europe rather than traditional Latin Ameriacn society.

The above being the case, is it nevertheless possible that the average man in Nicaragua really does favor the Sandinistas? Well, no one knows for sure because polling is illegal in Nicaragua. Still, we do have evidence from other Central American countries. This evidence shows that the citizens of the region have clear attitudes toward the Sandinista regime. The following evidence comes from a Costa Rican affiliate of Gallup quoted by Susan Purcell in the Fall 1987 issue of Foreign Affairs. In a study of attitudes in Costa Rica, Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala, it was found that, among other things: 80% in all countries see Nicaragua as a threat to the region. Majorities think the majority of Nicaraguans favor the resistance. Between 54 and 69% believe the resistance, were it to gain power, would hold free elections and establish democracy. Finally, more than two-thirds of the respondents in every country approve of U.S. military aid to the Contras. On point after point, the majorities of the populations of Nicaragua’s neighbors express their agreement with the American Right.

The second dominant theme of the Left is the old sixties cant “Give Peace a Chance.” Liberals want Reagan to cut off aid to the Contras in return for vague promises of democratization. The problem with this request is simple. It ignores the role of force in furthering Sandinista liberalization. Without Contra pressure, which, as Purcell amply demonstrates, has deepened over the last year, there is nothing to make the Sandinistas change. No army in Central America could dream of forcing them. The only things that worry the Sandinistas are the Contras and their U.S. backers. To desert the Contras at this point, when they are gaining vastly in strength and ability, for the sake of trusting the Sandinistas to abide by the Arias Plan — a plan with neither means of verification nor penalty for failure to live up to its demands for democratization — would greatly set back the cause of democracy in Nicaragua and Latin America.

Let us hope then that Congress will do what the majority of those in Central America wish: support the Contras. Let this support, moreover, be at a level high enough to offset Soviet aid to the communist ruling elite. Finally, may the liberals call into question some of their central beliefs about the nature of the regime they presently support in Nicaragua.//

Tschuss (That’s German for Adios)

Written Spring 1988

By Alex Linder

[ The following is from a forum thread posting. ]

my good-bye piece, which was published with good-riddance added unprofessionally on at the bottom by my jewess-feminist editor Kopec]

[opinion published in Pomona

And so we draw to a close.

I handed in my thesis today. I guess that means I’m out of here in a couple of weeks. As this is our last paper, some last thoughts would seem to be in order.

I suppose I could review my litany of personal complaints against the liberal Pomona hierarchy: no conservative professors in the departments that need them most (government, history); the liberal-er-than-thou attitude of the administration, the pompous attempts of Sean Morley to censor (phrased as revising the guidelines) opinions articles he deems offensive. But all that doesn’t seem that important right now.

The future is what’s important.

Attitudes will change. A long time ago in a galaxy far, far away, professors were conservative. The sixties saw a change in morality and ways of looking at the world. Now, obviously, many of the sixties anti-establishment types required institutionalization; the problem was that they got into the wrong institution – academia. This too will pass.

Now, I know that there are a great many conservatives at Pomona. As opposed to the faculty, the student body is decidedly less liberal. I can’t claim, as Nixon did, that a silent majority exists, but I do claim that conservatives are a large silent minority.

The future of conservatism at Pomona is wholly dependent on individuals stepping forward and proclaiming their beliefs. Without such effort what’s to stop us from becoming another Pitzer?

The major danger I see in Pomona’s future is the shutting down of any serious campus political debate. As it is, we are perilously close. What my experience has shown is that merely refusing to step to the drumbeat of “enlightened” opinion brings down the wrath of the administration. In my own experience, many liberals in positions of power are for freedom of speech until they read something they disagree with. Liberals have done a truly remarkable job in persuading the American populace that certain things are taboo; there are certain things you just can’t discuss. There are some things liberals believe you just can’t say.

The other day, someone wanted me to sign a petition calling for expanded efforts to hire, admit, etc., racial minorities, women, etc. I refused. This petition, by itself, is a perfect example of the problem facing Pomona. It represents a laughable conception of the problems facing our college. We seem to continually chastise ourselves for not being on the cutting edge of whatever is thought proper at the Ivy League colleges and Stanford.

The central irony of Pomona is this: We constantly seek to diversify the student body by admitting various minorities. Meanwhile, we tolerate a de facto discrimination in the professoriate against non-liberals – a minority that is defined by its difference in outlook. Evidently, what our administration hopes to create is a big happy band of like-minded ‘individuals.’

We are in serious danger of shutting out a whole segment of opinion. I call on those conservatives left here to come forward and write and try to make up for what doesn’t exist in the classroom. If you don’t come forward, it’s the same as Khadaffi’s Line of Death. Over time, tradition builds, and has the same effect as law. Translated, people become so unused to conservative thinking that they don’t want to publish it. Because they are never exposed to it in the classroom, they are utterly at a loss when it comes to understanding what truly is another perspective. Real diversity means that college students are exposed to people who believe different things, people who are libertarians and socialists and communists and conservatives. We are a college. That means we have a devotion to things intellectual. Why then do we focus on such narrow things as physical differences between the members of our community when there are deficiencies in our intellectual makeup that cry out for attention?

Here at the newspaper, it’s been quite a struggle. Cynthia and I have battled long and hard over what I am allowed to say. Needless to say, I have lost almost all the battles. The point is that here at Pomona we have a newspaper. Part of that newspaper is devoted to Opinions. In this space, students may write about world affairs or issues of campus concern. I became Opinions editor because I wanted to provide people with a perspective I felt was missing in many of my classes. One of my principal epiphanies has been that Pomona college is not an ivory tower.

Another big joke at Pomona: Hearing the feminists and other minorities complain about not being heard or having their concerns represented. Yeah, right. Who dares to say anything against these groups? Not even necessarily against them, but who dares to say anything that isn’t exactly what they want. The attitude seems to be that anything about feminists they didn’t write or approve is offensive and unprintable. I suggest that the possibility that people will be offended not be the standard by which newspapers are edited. John Stuart Mill defended freedom of the press, not freedom of the press as long as we don’t hurt anybody’s feelings.

My conception of a college newspaper is as a forum for debate. Lots of people with lots of points of view, well thought out and expressed with a certain youthful rebelliousness. The reality of Student Life is a stodgy, liberal paper. We’ve come full circle. Back in the sixties, campus newspapers were used as forums for lambasting the administration. Nowadays the liberal editors are in almost total sympathy with the deans and the president. Like I already said, the competition at this campus is over whether the students or the administration can be more liberal. Did you see Eric Shah’s comment in the ‘Speak’ last week? The convergence of opinion is the reason there are no more student uprisings that Joan Baez and others lament.

Now, there’s nothing wrong (legally) with being liberal. And liberal administrations and liberal student bodies are just the way it is. Today’s campus conservatives have to operate in this context. If they refuse to utilize the means at their disposal, they shouldn’t decry the rampant liberalism. I urge my fellow conservatives to come forward. If you refuse, campus discussion will once again devolve into endless recriminations. From the evidence I’ve seen and the people I’ve talked to, I’m sure a good deal more will be heard from Pomona conservatives in the future.

In conclusion, I offer a figurative tip of the hat to those of you who have responded to my articles. I still disagree with most of you, but the odd letter did make some impression. Finally, I’d like to offer one final bit of advice to y’all. Just quit being so damned oversensitive. With that, good-bye.

Editor’s note: And good riddance.

State Department Lecturer Visits CMC

By Alex Linder

[ The following is from a forum thread posting. ]


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[news article published in Pomona College’s The Student Life, ??? ]

State Department Lecturer Visits CMC

By Alex Linder

Lieutenant Colonel Peter Reilly spoke on U.S. foreign policy in Nicaragua at CMC’s Bauer Center last Monday night. Recently returned from El Salvador where he served as Chief of Special Forces, Reilly currently tours the U.S. as a State Department spokesman giving speeches to colleges and other organizations.

Reilly began his speech by saying that he would try to answer two questions: First, how can a little country like Nicaragua be a threat to the U.S.? Second, is Nicaragua likely to become another Vietnam?

Regarding the first question, Reilly referred to the importance of sea lanes to American oil imports and projection of military power.

Cuba takes care of the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico, while Nicaragua, possessing the largest airfield in Central America on its Pacific coast, allows the Soviets to sail directly from Cam Ranh in Vietnam to Nicaragua in Central America, a region the Soviets see as our strategic rear, according to Reilly. The danger, as Reilly sees it, is that the U.S. has new areas to be concerned about in what used to be uncontested waters.

Shifting from strategic questions, Reilly discussed the nature of the Sandinista regime. Claiming that the Sandinistas have received $2 billion from the Soviets since their takeover in 1979, Reilly mentioned other nations and groups like PLO and Vietnam that give the Sandinistas support because, as Libyan ruler Khadaffi has said, “they fight the U.S. on their own ground.”

Regarding the Arias plan, the Sandinistas signed the pact because of contra pressure, Reilly said. He went on to lament that there is nothing in the treaty limiting Soviet monetary support and no way of enforcement should one country not “measure up,” save whatever international pressure Costa Rican President and Nobel Laureate Oscar Arias can summon.

Returning to his second overarching question, Reilly said that Nicaragua doesn’t have to be another Vietnam if America is willing to face the problem now. Backing off, he asserts, will only lead to a higher price we’ll have to pay later.

After the speech was over, Reilly fielded a series of questions from the audience, which was roughly split between liberals and conservatives. In response to the question that if Nicaragua was such a great threat we ought to invade it ourselves, Reilly said that most draft-aged men don’t want to fight there. He also asserted that an on-and-off approach to contra aid has limited the effectiveness of the contras, whose strength he places between ten and fifteen thousand men.

After the first few questions the atmosphere in the room grew heated, and certain participants began to interrupt Reilly’s answers, drawing counterreponses from those wanting to hear Reilly out. Finally, an unidentified CMC man told Pitzer Professor Dana Ward, who insistently demanded a debate, to “grow up.” Ward responded over the ensuing ruckus: “I’m speaking the truth to Power; Power sits up there and lies.”

Order was partially restored and questions turned to other subjects such as human rights and death squads in El Salvador. Reilly answered with a short history of terrorism in El Salvador and figures portraying a vastly decreased level of death squad activity. He also evinced distrust of certain human rights organizations, such as Americas Watch, many of which he believes are either biased or not allowed by the Sandinistas the freedom necessary for a full documentation of Sandinista abuses. At this point the meeting officially broke up, but several people remained for another two hours to debate informally.

Small groups then formed around Reilly, Ward, and a Nicaraguan refugee in the audience. Reilly made some observations about his receptions at other colleges (frequently hostile) and his dealings with the media when he was in El Salvador (he found them antagonistic at the time, but believes they’re “coming around” now).

Other points brought out in this final question and answer period included Reilly’s assertion that the Sandinistas have little internal support (29% in a 1981 poll he claims is the most recent the Sandinistas have allowed). Pressed hard on human rights abuses by the contras, he spoke of National Directorate Minister of the Interior Tomas Borge’s Special Operations Forces whom he says commit atrocities while pretending to be contras. Further, Reilly opined, “If the Sandinistas were right-wing, this crowd would be hanging ’em.”

Of(f) Color

By Alex Linder

[ The following is from a forum thread posting. ]


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[first thing i ever wrote that caused an uproar, and set me on my path to VNN, because i love the fight. i had not yet learned to fly, and was still making my way among what i heard, read and felt instinctively or intuitively. This piece PRECEDED a cartoon strip by Berkely Breathed making almost exactly the same points. back in these days, ‘people of color’ was the bruited and bandied locution. it was young, dumb and full of come, and the sophisticates were hot to use it. it still rings to me both pathetic and pretentious. peepole uff colur, homes]

[opinion published in Pomona College’s The Student Life (spring 88)]

Of(f) Color

By Alex Linder

They used to be “colored.” Then they were “Negroes.” Then “blacks.” Now they’re “of color.” Isn’t social change grand? Thirty years later, use of the adjective risks offense, while the prepositional phrase places one on the cutting edge of interracial sensitivity! Such rapid changes in nomenclature serve only to befuddle.

But others have it worse. Consider the Asian, Chicano and Black Studies programs. What are they going to do, merge into one discipline? (Might not be a bad idea considering their declining enrollments.) They could call it “Color Studies” or “Studies in Color.” Who knows, might even manage to attract a few wayward art students!

The worst thing about “of color” is that its creators seek to foster a divisive, holier-than-thou attitude on the part of, dare I say it?, colored people. (What race are you? Oh, I’m a person “of color.”) Just say the phrase a few times and try to keep your nose level.

The use of the term “of color” signifies haughtiness arising from a false sense of superior morality. There is nothing, however, inherently superior about being colored, or, for that matter, uncolored. But then one doesn’t claim to be a person “of whiteness,” does one? I believe the choosers of the term “of color” intend to suggest the spiritual brotherhood of Asians and Africans and Native Americans (itself a biased term – did not the “Native Americans” originally migrate here from other continents?). They have created a term that in their minds is a sort of catchall for the bondage of brothers trod on by the same white, imperialist oppressor’s heel.

Think about the connotations of the word. Am I wrong, or does “of color” suggest a tribalistic closeness to the earth, a passionate, deeprooted, innate-hence-superior attunement to nature and the mystical quality of life, a sense the creators think absent in the pale-faced people “of blandness” inhabiting the northern latitudes? Does not “of color” convey the impression that those lacking color by the phrase somehow lack excitement, aren’t as vivid, and aren’t as fully human as those who are “of color”?

Once the whole silly business of name-changing is done away with, we’ll all be a lot better off. After all, it’s the NAACP, not the NAAPC. ‘PC’ is an acronym for what I’m typing on. And if “colored” is good enough for the NAACP, isn’t it good enough for you and me?

“Dangerous” Ads

By Alex Linder

[ The following is from a forum thread posting. ]

[see the start of my baiting, “far be it from” oh no, it be not far at all, it be very close to heart. have to understand these pieces are written amid huge academic workload, with leftist eyes everywhere over your shoulder over your head under your nuts…this is a quick flip off. but then again, this was the only stuff i put real effort into and genuinely cared about, 100x more than my academic work, which was recycling unrecylcables ]

[opinion published in Pomona College’s The Student Life ???]

Will Porsche GO Cigarette Route?
“Dangerous” Ads

By Alex Linder

Sometimes it’s the little things that make you stand up and shout “What the hell’s going on?” Little things that seem merely quirky until your mind extracts the general from the particular. Listen to a little story from the hinterlands of Massachusetts.

Now far be it from me to question the latest political wisdom from the Bay State. From O’Neill to Kennedy to Studds, Massachusetts has an august legislative history a peon like me would never deign [sic – dare] demean. Nevertheless, let me suggest that this time one honorable East Coaster has advanced an idea truly beyond the pale of civilized discourse, as William F. Buckley might say.

Her name is Mary Jeanette Murray. She is a representative from Cohasset. And she’s got a hang-up about cars. Well, car commercials anyway.

You see, in their attempts to get people to buy their product, car producers show cars doing all sorts of nasty things. Oh, you know. Going fast. Making sharp turns. Racing along mountain roads. Mary can’t stand this. I mean, what about the minds of the kiddies?

So Mary is out to save them. She’s sponsoring a bill that would forbid the airing of any commercial that would “glorify the speed, maneuverability, and performance of a motor vehicle,” in order to “protect young people against the wrong impressions.” And they say Utah is backward because you can’t talk about sex-ed!

Oh, and one other thing. Mary thinks her idea is so great that she wants to spread it. Yeah, that’s right. She’s encouraged the Massachusetts legislature to press Congress to enact similar bans. So one day your state might be the beneficiary of Mary’s pearl of wisdom. Something to look forward to in these times of woe!

But it makes you wonder. Whatever happened to America — the Land of the Free and the Home of the Brave? Now it’s the Home of the Wimp and the Land of the Free to Drive under Fifty-Six. For Chrissakes, even in Germany, a welfare state if there ever was one, you can drive as fast as you want.

America is supposed to be a wild, adventurous place – the place where a person can go to do what s/he wants. America is free spirited. America is where explorers explored, pioneers moved West, and you could say whatever you wanted to whomever you wanted because you had the same rights as everybody else. America is not a place where well-meaning state legislators tell us what’s good for us. We’re adults and we’ll do what we want – would-be Big Sisters be damned.

Mary-Jeanette Murray may have been born here, but she sure ain’t an American.

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NATO Commander Addresses Claremont

By Alex Linder

[ The following is from a forum thread posting. ]

[news article published in Pomona College’s The Student Life, Friday, December 11, 1987]

NATO Commander Addresses Claremont

By Alex Linder

Recently resigned NATO commander Bernard Rogers gave an address titled “Disarmament and the Balance of Power” at the Bauer Center on Wednesday, November 18.

As Supreme Commander of Allied forces in Europe, Rogers was directly concerned with the defense-related issues encompassed in the INF treaty, and he spent most of his speech critiquing the treaty and its effect on the NATO-Warsaw Pact balance.

Rogers said that his job was to determine what was best for NATO as a whole. NATO, he pointed out, is made up of fifteen free and independent democracies, many of which are headed by coalitions, making effective leadership frequently difficult.

Rogers also noted that the U.S. and Europe have different sets of concerns. While the U.S. is worried about friction in Europe leading to an American nuclear response, the Europeans oscillate between fear of isolation and getting into an unwanted war.

Turning to the Warsaw Pact, Rogers described Pact attempts to intimidate, coerce, and blackmail the nations of the West which are integral to the Pact’s long-term goal of world domination by means of an expansionist foreign policy.

“Gorbachev,” said Rogers, “does not have the best interests of the West on his priority list.” Rogers went on to note that despite glasnost‘s facade of openness, there have been no “changes of substance in Soviet foreign policy.” The Soviet Union continues to devote 17 percent of its GNP to defense, a significantly higher figure than in the U.S. Further, noted Rogers, membership in NATO is voluntary, unlike the Warsaw Pact.

Before addressing the INF treaty specifically, Rogers laid the groundwork concerning the role of NATO and the recent history of arms control. According to him, the U.S. forward deploys over 300,000 American troops in Europe as a measure of our commitment to defend Europe.

American Survival in a Benetton World

By Alex Linder

[ The following is from a forum thread posting. ]

[opinion published in Pomona College’s The Student Life, Friday, December 11, 1987]

American Survival in a Benetton World

By Alex Linder

Upon this bank and shoal of time, America is in an enviable position. A steadily growing economy, a strong military, a free and productive society are all guarantees of good times to come. Nevertheless, there are trends, found throughout the West, that if left unchecked could result in a dark future.

As every IR student learns in the first few lectures, when it comes to calculating power, will is all important. A nation may have X missiles, Y tanks, and Z soldiers, but if will is lacking, the rest is insignificant.

Will is the intangible by which the physical components of power are multiplied; if absent the result is always zero. Think of the Vietnam War.

American will, although undiminished under Reagan, is in a long-term decline. Why? Because of our leadership. The sum effects of the media, the academics, and many of the politicians is negative, erosive, and destructive.

There are three types of American fools. Those who can’t see; those who won’t see; and those who see and accept. The media are the stupid and incompetent. The politicians are the willingly blind. The academics can’t infer their ways out of paper bags. A certain sector of each sees what’s going on and approves.

But what is being referred to? Well, primarily the communist threat — facilitated by a country made doubtful of itself, its capabilities, and its special purpose. In essence, America is the last, best hope.

We are the city on the hill. We are what the world has struggled to produce. Through millenium after millenium, men have fought, killed, raped, looted, plundered, tortured, terrorized, and spat on one another. But hey, that’s what being human is half about.

America is the original place where the evil effects of human nature have been well controlled. With our constitution we’ve reached the best trade-off between order and freedom the world has ever seen. We have the richest, strongest, freest country in the world.

In a word, we are the best country in the world. The only thing capable of stopping a world governmental organization capable of suppressing all but the smallest regional conflicts, and based on the principles of the U.S. constitution, is self-doubt. We must turn away from those who work to injure this American Achilles’ Heel.

Let’s consider a country where the evil effects of self-doubt are evident in the national psyche: West Germany. The legacy of Hitler is a confused land full of geistlos and angstvoll people who have no ability to tell right from wrong. West Germany is a country so mixed up and turned around as to make one despair for its future. What can we learn about ourselves from this country? Let’s listen to some of its students talk about the U.S. — friends of the writer.

First, there’s Christian. He says he doesn’t like it when Reagan says “God bless America” at the end of his speeches and all the listeners stand up and cheer. Then there’s Heide. You try to hide a smile as she lectures you on America’s imperialist history. Finally, there’s Inge. When you try to explain the tenets of Reaganism to her, she laughs at you in the softly condescending way you’d laugh at a toddler falling over while trying to walk.

“I feel much more threatened by the Americans than by the Russians,” she says. . . .a sorry state of affairs.

What threatens America today is our decline into moral relativism and intellectual squishiness brought about by liberal mountebankery, whose representatives strive to outdo one another in their put-downs of America.

There seem to be so few people around today who are willing to forthrightly assert the moral superiority of the American system of government.

What we are taught: We’re taught to think in shades of gray rather than in black and white. We’re warned that we perceive everything through our own cultural lens, thus implicitly negating our judgments.

Think of the term “ethnocentric.” This is a big word with many IR people. The word’s a sick joke. It’s a fancy word for letting the other guy walk all over you while you philosophically justify his actions. A common mistake is to overrate the importance of looking at issues from another nation’s perspective.

The problem is that where we do this we tend to forget that we have to represent our own interests. Do the Iranians or the Soviets think about our interests when we deal with them? Hell no. They figure out what they want and go after it.

Moral equivalency is perhaps the most widespread and certainly the most dangerous trend among the elite of America and the West. It is widespread in that the vast majority of Europeans and an increasingly large number of Americans see no moral difference between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. It is most dangerous because there is obviously no particular reason to feel an obligation to defend a certain country (America) if it’s no better than its chief adversary.

As evidence of the growth of this trend, mere anecdotes will have to suffice. The Europeans referred to previously are believers in the two-scorpions-in-a-bottle metaphor many Europeans like to use to describe the two superpowers. Polls have recently found that many view Gorbachev as more of a peacemaker than Reagan.

Perhaps better than anyone else, the murdered John Lennon represented the two-scorpions approach to world politics. “Imagine there’s no countries. . . . A brotherhood of man.” Similarly, you might be familiar with a song called the “Universal Soldier” which talks about young men of various denominations dying in various fights for various causes.

The point of this despicable tripe is that no idea or cause is morally distinguishable from any other since they all involve some amount of conflict and bloodshed; only the idealistic one-worlders remain uncorrupted visionaries. There’s “nothing to kill or die for” in John Lennon’s world.

It cannot be overemphasized that this is the type of thinking that can destroy America. John Lennon and his ilk see no moral difference between the Soviet Union and America; all they do is rise above to an invisible world where they are alone and perfect. Call it moral Swedishness.

Like the residents of that sorry country, Lennonists feel free to claim the moral perfection that is nothing more than the birthright of the impotent.

There is a sickly habit today of refusing to make distinctions. It’s the approach that makes English and Art History so meaningless compared to politics — there’s never any voting. There’s never the satisfaction of deciding something. I think this, you think that, she thinks the other. And this holds for whatever painting or book is examined.

The point is: if a book or painting can mean anything, then it means nothing. For some reason this sieve-mindedness is starting to slide over into politics. And that’s a bad sign.

Finally, the scary truth about our times is that we’re living in a Benetton world. Benetton’s advertising campaign is based on the approach that the world’s nations and peoples are one, big, undifferentiated mass. We can all — whether we’re Laura in Los Angeles, Mbutu in Kenya, or Fyodor in Leningrad — wear the same dopey, androgynous jumpsuits. Why? Because we’re all the same — our ethnicities, traditions, customs, beliefs are only so many stumbling blocks to be swept aside in the race to create the generic person.

But it ain’t so. America is not just another in an array of equally valid choices for societal organization. It’s the best. And the others aren’t different — they’re worse. That’s what I believe, and that’s what you ought to believe. And if enough of us continue to believe it (as we traditionally have) the future is ours.//

Removal of Pershings Threatens NATO Cohesion

By Alex Linder

[ The following is from a forum thread posting. ]

[opinion published in Pomona College’s The Student Life, Friday, December 4, 1987]

Removal of Pershings Threatens NATO Cohesion

By Alex Linder

A couple weeks ago, ex-head NATO commander Bernard Rogers spoke on disarmament and the balance of power. He talked about why he is against the INF treaty as now constituted.

One of Rogers’ points that merits thought concerns the free and voluntary association that is NATO. The constituents joined of their own accord. They can withdraw if they so choose.

The Pershing II missiles that will be removed under the INF treaty (assuming, as does Rogers, that the treaty will be signed and ratified) were placed in Europe only after a long, concerted effort. We can all remember the freeze effort and the heated demonstrations of the early eighties.

Regardless of whether the INF treaty is “good” for the U.S., it ought to be clear that there is an inherent danger in removing the missiles. The Soviets are free to move their missiles around at will. If they were to decide to redeploy their missiles and break the treaty (as they broke the ABM treaty) they could do so with scarcely a murmur from the strictly controlled publics of the Warsaw Pact nations.

But it’s not so in the West. To those of us here in America this might not seem particularly salient. After all, one might think, it might take us a bit longer to redeploy, but there wouldn’t be any major problems. As an American who is reasonably familiar with European thinking (West Germany in particular), I disagree. There are several reasons why the removal of our Pershing IIs might be dangerous. They spring from the current social and political culture of West Germany, the key European member of NATO.

First, it is difficult for the average American to realize the extent to which West Germany is militarized. When a German gets up in the morning he can be sure that sometime durign the day he’s going to hear the scream of the fighter planes racing down the valley. When he walks by the train tracks, chances are good that he’ll see tanks and other military equipment being shipped to various installations. Finally, when he goes to a Kneipe (bar) at night, it’s likely he’ll run into a bunch of rambunctious American G.I.s.

West Germany is also highly politicized. Unlike America, the grafitti in Europe is almost exclusively political. From “Ami raus” to anti-nukes to Marxist themes, the grafitti makes it clear that West Germany is a country on the edge — ostensibly stable, but with a definite underlying Angst.

Germany has essentially no history of democracy. Before WWII it had an ill-fated Weimar government, but Hitler marked the return to the traditional authoritarianism. And (although this is certainly debatable) the same spirit exists today.

In one class I had there was an interesting poster. On the poster was a quotation from Harry Truman to the effect that there is one thing Americans prize above all else: freedom. There was no further commentary. This quotation was meant to stand alone as an indictment of America. It takes a while for an American abroad to realize that to Germans, America is the conqueror. They never wanted freedom; we simply forced it on them. And, certainly, forty years later, the roots of freedom have grown into the soil of the populace. Nevertheless, one may be excused for wondering just how much it would take to deracinate them.

Dominating the campus at many German universities are various left-wing, extremist and Marxist groups. Jean Francois Revel once wrote that “democracy treats subversives as mere opponents for fear of betraying its principles,” and it is indeed sobering, not to say frightening, to see these groups almost literally wallpaper the towns with their political posters and flood them with their “newspapers” and propaganda, knowing that the instant they were ever able to take power they would crush freedom of expression which along with their money from Moscow is the primary reason they exist. In other words, there is a strong anti-democratic, leftist element in West Germany, the depth of whose commitment is not to be underestimated.

The implications for the INF treaty are clear. West Germany is looking for strong leadership from America. As Hitler said, (if I recall correctly), the masses, like a woman, prefer a dominator to a suppliant. If America displays strong leadership, as it has under Reagan, Europe will follow. They’ll whine, but they’ll follow. But if we yank out the Pershing IIs, the weapons the Soviets find most threatening (according to Rogers), without concomitant reductions in Soviet conventional forces, we’re playing a very dangerous game. Let’s hope President Reagan is able to recognize this at the summit.//

Field Crickets

By Alex Linder

[ The following is from a forum thread posting. ]

[this was published in the paper’s offical editorial space, by me in my capacity as opinions editor. people were ??? by it, probably assuming it had some deeper, anti-communist meaning]

[Published in Pomona College’s The Student Life, Friday, December 4, 1987]

Editorial Boards
Field Crickets

One day over Thanksgiving break I was walking to Frary when I happened to see something incredibly disgusting – a field cricket. I don’t know if you’re familiar with this variety of insect, but let me assure you they are unprepossessing in the extreme.

Now, don’t get me wrong, I can appreciate a good insect as well as the next guy, but field crickets drive me up the wall. Unlike simple black crickets which chirp inoffensively (like Cecil Sagehen), field crickets have nothing to commend their existence.

Let me describe one for you. The first thing you notice about a field cricket is its big, ugly, red-orange head. Attached to this hideous tomato-colored ball is a whitish abdomen covered with brownish stripes and shaped like the bottom half of a bowling pin. But the worst thing about this species is its size. They’re big. They’re real big. Imagine a typical black cricket. Field crickets put them to shame. I estimate the one I saw was about one and a half inches long and a good three-quarters of an inch tall.

The cricket outside Frary moved with what seemed calculated deliberation. Or maybe it was just sick. As I stared at it in the dying light of the afternoon sun, my mind began to wander. Suddenly, I was back in George Orwell’s 1984.

“So Mr. Linder,” said a smallish man with an evil smile, “what is it that you fear most?” I tried to avoid thinking about field crickets, but couldn’t. “Aha,” said the smaller man’s companion, “field crickets, eh?” They strapped me to a table and brought out a small, covered piece of Tupperware. “Guess what’s in here, buddy!”

I lay motionless, hoping I could eat the required three field crickets without betraying the woman I loved.

As they placed the first insect on my defenseless lips, I tried to steel myself mentally. I remembered how, as a young lad, I used to feed grasshoppers to the cat. While I doubled up in laughter and disgust, the cat masticated with slow precision; crunch followed crunch as wings, thorax and soft parts slowly disappeared. Now, as I bit into the cricket, I tried to become the cat. Hell, it worked for Liddy and the rat. As my teeth pressured the red globe, the cricket squirmed and writhed like a centipede with a pin through its head. With all its tiny sense organs screaming in pain the full-bodied cricket twisted and turned, its legs pushing and straining in a vain attempt to extricate itself from the deathly orifice. Not that it was easy for me, mind you. After five minutes, the end was near. That tears that had been welling burst forth and mixed with the sweat on my cheeks and the saliva dripping out of the corner of my mouth; I swallowed — I was now a third of the way through my ordeal. . . .

The footsteps of a passerby brought me back to reality.

The next day when I passed the field cricket, I was glad to see that a colony of ants had found it. They had gotten inside its exoskeleton and were eating its eyes and internal organs from inside. I smiled at their efficiency and silently thanked them for their service. And when I pass by my little friend today, I fully expect him to be but a shell of his former self.

Alex Linder
Opinions Editor